1. History 1.1. Early Byzantine Period Ephesos, on the outfalls of river Kaystros, belonged to the Ionian Dodekapolis (Panionion). In Antiquity it was known for the cult of Artemis, since they had built a temple in honor of the goddess, which was considered as one of the Seven Wonders of the ancient world. Ephesos controlled a very large area, hence its wealth. It also had one of the most important harbours of Asia Minor, the end of the Roman cursus publicus, which ascended to the plateau of central Asia Minor from the Meander valley and led to the East. In 262 AD the city was attacked by the Goths, and the temple of Artemis was destroyed. However, Ephesos flourished again in the Early Byzantine Period, since that was a peaceful period for the Empire.
Throughout the Early Byzantine period, the city was an economic, political and religious centre of the province of Asia, as well as the seat of the proconsul of Asia, its metropolis and, due to its ecclesiastical history, an important destination for pilgrims. During that period Ephesos was also well known for its schools. The city supported teachers and philosophers financially. The most well known philosopher was Maximus, the teacher of Emperor Julian. During Late Antiquity there was in Ephesos, at least one school of medicine which was probably operating even at a later time. In the 6th century, Ephesos is mentioned first among the cities of the province of Asia in the Synekdemos of Hierokles.1 Stephanos of Byzantium (6th century) describes it as “the most renowned Ionian city and a bay harbour”.2 1.2. Middle Byzantine Period (until the 11th c.) 1.2.1. From the 7th to the 9th century The prosperity of Late Antiquity came to an end with the Byzantine-Persian Wars (602-628), during which the whole of Asia Minor suffered from ravages by the Persian army. In 614 a strong earthquake hit Ephesos and caused havoc to a great part of the city. The Persian Wars were followed by the fierce Arab raids in the 7th century. According to information in Constatnine VII's De administrando imperio (10th century), Ephesos and its area were devastated by the Arab chieftain Al-Muawiya. However, this information is not confirmed by other sources. According to Foss, this raid dates to 654/5 and occured in the context of a great Arab assault against imperial territory.3 However, what happened to the city in the context of Arab raids is actually uncertain, since the information provided by the sources is scarce and does not deal explicitly with Ephesos. The raids that possibly affected the city are the following: Against Chios and Kyzikos, in 670; against Smyrna, in 672; against Sardis and Pergamum, in 716/7. Other events that may have affected Ephesos include the rebellion of Artabasdos in 742-743, the plague epidemic in 744/5 (or 747/8) and probably the rebellion of Thomas the Slav (820/1-823).4 Around the 7th or the 8th century, Ephesos was embodied in the new administrative organization of the Empire as part of the theme of Thrakesion. As a matter of fact it is considered to have been the capital of this theme. From that time onwards, the history of the city was closely related to the activity of various known strategoi of the theme, who were stationed in Ephesos from time to time, such as Michael Lachanodrakon (8th century), who developed important activity in the context of Iconoclasm against the monks of the theme of Thrakesion, and Petronas (9th century). According to the iconophile sources, several monks of the theme were martyred in Ephesos; specific reports existing for the years 766 and 770.5 According to Arab sources, in 780/1 Ephesos was attacked and looted by the Arabs. The Arabs left the city taking with them 7,000 prisoners. Rochow relates this raid to a relevant account by Theophanes on a great Arab campaign in the year 776/7, which led to Byzantine retaliations in Syria the following year (777/8).6 In 798/9 Ephesos suffered another raid, for which there is no additional information in the Arab sources.7 In 867/8, the Paulicians from Tephrike, while on raid in Asia Minor, reached to Ephesos, seized the fortress of Theologos and entered the church of St. John the Theologian riding their horses.8 1.2.2. 10th-11th c. In spite of the severe difficulties of the previous period, Ephesos remained the great religious and economic centre of the region due to its location, where routes from the north, south and east converged. For the 10th and 11th century information is available in the Vita of St. Paul the Younger and the Vita of St. Lazaros Galesiotes. The Vita of St. Paul the Younger (10th century) mentions monks that moved to Ephesos from nearby Mount Latros (in the region of Miletus).9St Lazaros (11th century) initially settled near the road that led to Smyrna, but was forced to leave since the place was too crowded. The monasteries that he founded later on Mount Galesios (the monastery of Transfiguration of Christ, the monastery of Theotokos and the monastery of Resurrection, to the north of Ephesos) became pilgrimage centres together with Ephesos itself and it's church of St. John, for people who came from different parts of the Empire. The Vita of St. Lazaros mentions pilgrims from central Asia Minor, Attaleia and the islands, but also for foreigners passing through Ephesos during their journey to or from the Holy Land. 1.3. Late Byzantine Period (end of the 11th-beginning of the 14th century) Ephesos was affected by the penetration of the Seljuks in Asia Minor after the defeat of the Byzantines in Mantzikert (1071), and was occupied by emir Tengri-bermis. The Seljuks were expelled in around 1096/7, after a battle with the Byzantine army, under the leadership of the megas doukas John Doukas, in front of the city. John Doukas liberated Western Asia Minor and placed Ephesos under the jurisdiction of a doukas, Petzea. In 1147/8 the Frankish and the Gothic army of the Second Crusade passed through this area, and they remained there for the Christmas celebrations of 1147. On Christmas Eve the Crusaders were attacked by Turks that had reached Ephesos and were possibly supported by the local population. After 1204 Ephesos became a part of the Empire of Nicaea, recognizing almost immediately (1206) the authority of Emperor Theodore I Laskaris. Information about this period originates from the archive of the monastery of St John the Theologian in Patmos, which acquired land in this area. The most important scholar of this period, Nikephoros Blemmydes, became the hegoumenos (abbot) in the monastery of St Gregory near Ephesos, where he also taught. Known students of Blemmydes in this period are George Akropolites and the subsequent Emperor Theodore II Laskaris (1254-1258). After the recapture of Constantinople by the Byzantines (1261), Michael VIII Palaiologos's policy was primarily preoccupied with the West, and Asia Minor was left alone for some time. This gave the Ottomans freedom of action, to conduct raids up to its western coasts. The situation became more dangerous for Ephesos after the loss of the Meander valley (around 1280). The activity of Alexios Philanthropenos (1293-1295) and John Tarchaneiotes (1297) in the area offered only temporary relief. In 1304 the Catalan Company, under the leadership of Roger de Flor, following a successful campaign against the Türkmens in Lydia and the valley of upper Kaystros, reached Ephesos, where they stayed for eight days, wresting a lot of money from the inhabitants. Then, they moved to Anaia, near which they defeated the Türkmens. This successful campaign ended very soon, when the Catalans were suddenly recalled to Constantinople. The region was immediately flooded by Türkmens under the leadership of Sasa bey. Ephesos, after the conquest of nearby Thyraia, capitulated to Sasa Bey on October 24, 1304 (or on 24 October 1305, according to Failler)10 and then became part of the emirate of Aydin. 2. Administration 2.1. Early Byzantine Period After the establishment of Roman rule, Ephesos became the capital of the province of Asia, which was reduced significantly in extent after the administrative reformation by Diocletian. During the Roman period, Ephesos was an autonomous city. The boule and demos had an active, although limited role, at least until the 4th century. The institutions of the city's administration were based on the Prytaneion and the Bouleuterion, which continued to operate even after the 4th century. All the responsibilities that the council lost in time were undertaken by the proconsuls, who were continuously more involved with the administration of the city. In the Early Byzantine Period the demos of Ephesos expressed dynamically its preference or dislike for the measures of each proconsul of Asia. The demos assembled at the Theatre of the city, where exclamations would usually be given. Insurrections incited by specific groups11 can be detected in the sources. Well known are the insurrections that took place during the 3rd Ecumenical Council (431) and during the Council of 449 (the so-called Robber Council). A significant role was played by the organizations of the demoi, the Greens (Prassinoi) and the Blues (Venetoi). The confrontation of these organizations in relation to the political and religious developments in the Empire is evident on the inscriptions of Ephesos, which date from the years of Emperor Phokas (602-610) and the first years of the reign of Herakleios (610-641).12 In the Early Byzantine Period games were organized in honor of the Emperor, and given the opportunity they discussed various issues of the province of Asia. Emperor Valens established with a law that the games, since they would be a great financial burden to any city’s economy, would be organized in succession by the four cities of the province of Asia that bore the title of metropolis. 2.2. Middle Byzantine Period until the 11th century In the Middle Byzantine Period Ephesos was incorporated into the new administrative division of the Empire, the themes,13 and became the capital of the theme of Thrakesion. Naturally the first reference to this theme is dated from the reign of Emperor Constantine V (741-775), but according to modern views it is possible that it was founded in the 7th century in the same way as the other themes.14 As a capital, Ephesos was the seat of numerous political and military officials, known by their seals. The office of droungarios of Ephesos has been attested,15 as well as those of archon and governor (an office known also by the Vita of Lazaros Galesiotes).16 There were also notaries, probably attached to the logothesion genikon. From the seals it is well known that the city of Ephesos had its castle-keeper, which is referred as «paraphylax Theologou». The administrative importance of Ephesos justifies the fact that Ephesos is mentioned first among the twenty most important cities of the theme of Thrakesion in the treatise of Emperor Constantine VII De Thematibus (10th century). At the end of the 9th century the beach of Ephesos came under the new theme of Samos. Ephesos was, according to De Thematibus, the seat of the tourma of the new theme,17 although the strategos of Samos lived in Smyrna. 2.3. Administration during the 12th and 13th centuries After the expulsion of the Seljuks from Asia Minor, in 1096/7, Ephesos was placed under the authority of a duke, an office that replaced from that moment the general of the theme instantly. This change was temporary and lasted until the re-establishment of the themes, which Ahrweiler assumes that happened after 1133 and before 1143.18 From the event of the 12th century, however, that took place in the East it is obvious that the capital of the new theme of Thrakesion was probably Philadelpheia. This development is due to the strategic location of the city near the Byzantine-Turkish borders. However, Ephesos once again became the capital of the theme of Thrakesion in the 13th century, as far as it can be deduced from a relevant passage from the Autobiography of Nikephoros Blemmydes.19 The activities of the dukes of the theme of Thracesion during this period are related at times with the area of Philadelpheia and the themes of Mylassa and Melanoudion. We know very well how the theme of Thrakesion functioned in the 13th century from the archives of the monasteries. 3. Economy 3.1. Early Byzantine Period Ephesos, initially located by the sea, was built between two hills, Bulbuldağ and Panayirdağ. In Antiquity, but also in the Early and Middle Byzantine period, its economy was based on its harbor, which was one of the largest of Asia Minor and it was here that important commercial roads from the East ended. At the harbor of Ephesos came ships from the Eastern Mediterranean, Nicomedia and Egypt. The great construction activity that took place after the rule of Diocletian indicates the existence of a great number of craftsmen, carpenters, sculptors, stonecutters, painters, potters and mosaic artists. However, there are no direct testimonies for them. Regarding the other professionals there is only the testimony of a crab fisherman. Ephesos was the centre of a wealthy rural area where big landowners thrived. In the Early Byzantine period a great part of the land property was owned by the Church of Ephesos. Basilina, mother of Emperor Julian, owned large properties in the area, which she bequeathed to the Church of the city. 3.2. Middle Byzantine Period During the Middle Byzantine period Ephesos continued to be a large centre of the area with significant economic activity, since the harbor continued to be in operation and is mentioned as an intermediary stop on sea voyages. The Vita of Gregory Dekapolites (9th century) mentions that there were a lot of ships in the harbor, but they didn’t travel due to the fear of Arab raids. However, in the 10th century the harbor of Ephesos was not big enough to host the fleet that started for the campaigns against the Arabs in Crete, and the fleet assembled in Phygela. This development was due to the gradual obstruction of the harbor by the illuviation of Kaystros. According to Foss, probably in the 10th century the new harbor was in operation 3 kilometres outside the city, which is known mainly for its later use by the Italian merchants.20 Every year the festival of St John the Theologian took place, where people from all the surrounding areas as well as a lot of merchants attended. The volume of commercial transactions was rather large. When Constantine VI went to Ephesos as a pilgrim (794-795), he granted the metropolis of Ephesos the taxes from the festival (kommerkion), which amounted to the significant sum of one hundred litres of gold (7,200 coins). In the Vita of St Lazaros Galesiotes (11th century) we see testimonies, apart from professional fishermen, for perfumers, plaster craftsmen and sailors, as well as a bakery, which was under the supervision of the commander of Ephesos. The political importance of Ephesos to the area and to the Byzantines in general is also evident by its reference to the first chrysobuls which were granted to the Venetians in and in 1148. However, Ephesos doesn’t seem to have attracted Italian merchants and is omitted from the chrysobull of 1198 and from the Partitio Romaniae. According to Lilie, the city had no commercial role in that period, something that the researcher attributes to the obstruction of the harbor.21 3.3. Late Byzantine Period In the beginning of the 13th century the monastery of St. John the Theologian in Patmos obtained a metochion in the area of Ephesos (in Phygela). As a result, there are documents in the archive of the monastery dealing with Ephesos, which show that the area, which was exploited agriculturally by the city’s residents, was a large one and reached until Phygela. In the area there were vines, while it is quite possible, even though we don’t have any testimonies from this period, that there was significant cultivation of grain in the area of Kaystros. From the documents in Patmos it is well known that Ephesos, in spite of the increasing illuviation of the harbor, possessed a small port, where the ships of the monastery of Patmos were exempted from taxes. After the treaty of Nymphaion (1261), according to which Genoa obtained the right to maintain a commercial district in nearby Anaia, Genoese merchants became active in the greater area of Ephesos. However, evidence from the mid-14th century onwards shows that, at the time, Ephesos became a base for Genoese administration of their commercial establishment. Large quantities of grain and alum were exported from the Emirate of Germian to the West through Ephesos, which became, according to Balard, the “true gate of the Turkish East”.22 As a matter of fact, two tomb slabs that belonged to Genoese merchants have been discovered. 4. Residential development and monuments 4.1. Early Byzantine Period 4.1.1. The settlement and the monuments of Ephesos The city of Ephesos was being developed during the Early Byzantine Period. Its strong economy is testified by the results of the archaeological excavations, which brought to light numerous works that were created with the funding of its most wealthy citizens. The emperors, the proconculs, simple individuals, curiales and officials of the Church of Ephesos became the sponsors for the construction or repair of many public buildings and monuments of the city, such as the bathe of Emperor Constantine, the Via Arcadiana of emperor Arcadius, aqueducts and warehouses. Sponsorships by the Church of Ephesos were related mainly with the construction of churches and with charity work. The later metropolite of Ephesos Bassianos was responsible for the construction of a poorhouse (430). The palace of the proconsul of Asia is dated in the Early Byzantine period. This is an impressive buildings complex that had been dated initially from the 6th century. Near it there was an oblong secular basilica which was destroyed in 262 and was rebuilt in the second half of the 4th century as a three-aisled basilica with a narthex, atrium and baptistery where the Bishop's palace was attached. This church was dedicated to the Theotokos. The Councils of 431 (3rd Ecumenical) and 449 (Robber Council) took place here. The Via Arcadiana was one of the main arteries of the city, which led from the harbor to the theatres and was framed by stoas. They placed four columns at the Via Arcadiana with the statues of the Evangelists, commissioned by Frontinus (probably the proconsul of Asia). Furthermore, in Ephesos there were baths, gymnasia, libraries, the Theatre and other public buildings. Next to the Theatres was the agora around a large square with colonnades. All these buildings have marks from their continuous use throughout the Early Byzantine period, repairs and reused material. The Agora was the starting point of the embolos, a large road paved with marble that led to a big square in front of the church of Domitian. The embolos was the centre of the city, since it crossed a densely populated area, stores and public buildings (here were the Prytaneion and the Bouleuterion). 4.1.2. The sacred pilgrimage sites of Ephesos According to the Christian tradition on the hill of Panayirdağ St Timotheos, St Ermioni, Maria Madgalene and Philip the Evangelist were buried. At Panayirdağ was also the cave of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesos, which was one of the main pilgrim sites of the city and has been identified with an arched crypt on the eastern side of the hill, while next to it were catacombs and a church from the period of Theodosius I. Besides, in the area was the necropolis of Ephesos, on both sides of a road leading north towards the temple of Artemis. In the Byzantine Period the road led to the church of St John the Theologian. According to the Christian tradition, John the Evangelist was buried there and initially they built a martyrion over his tomb, which was expanded through time. With Justinian I's commission, the older buildings were destroyed and in 535/6 works begun for the erection of a tree-aisled cross-omed basilica with atrium, narthex, galleries and baptistery. The nave and the transept were housed with six domes, so that the shape of the cross was evident. The basilica of St. John the Theologian was built according to the original architectural plan of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople, which was also imitated later for St Marc in Venice. According to Byzantine tradition, in Ephesos (probably in the church of the Theologian) was kept the stone where the body of Christ was laid upon to be washed. This stone was transferred in the 12th century in Constantinople, where it was initially placed in the palace and then in front of the tomb of Emperor Manuel I Komnenos (1143-1180) in the monastery of Christ Pantokrator. 4.2. Middle and Late Byzantine Period 4.2.1. General The combination of the destruction from the earthquake in 614 and by the Persians Wards and the Arab raids that followed led to the complete change of Ephesos in this period. Large parts of the city (mainly in the south) were abandoned and Ephesos was then divided into two settlements. One of them was next to the harbor and the other around the walled church of St. John the Theologian. Two references relevant to Ephesos have been preserved: In the Vita of St Ballibaldos (8th century) it is mentioned that Ephesos was a mile away from the sea and that the church of the Theologian was in a prominent location (loco specioso).23 Odo of Deuil (12th century) mentions that in Ephesos, amongst the ruins that revealed the city’s ancient glory, was the church of the Theologian, on a hill and surrounded by walls, to hold off the enemies (in quondam terrae tumulo contra paganos muro circumdatum).24 4.2.2. The name of the city in the Middle and Late Byzantine Period In the Vita of Lazaros Galesiotes (11th century) Ephesos is often characterized as a fortress, while oftenly it is called “Theologos” or “Egapimenos” (Greek “Ηγαπημένος”, mean. the “Beloved”), an adjective which was given to St. John the Theologian. According to Foss, the increased use of the name Theologos during the Byzantine years is interpreted as a decline of the city next to the harbor, which was not used due to the illuviation of Kaystros, and the urban centre was transferred to the walled settlement around the church of St. John the Theologian.25 It is to the Italian merchants who settled in Ephesos after 1261 that we owe one of the medieval names of Ephesos, Altoluogo, which is a corrupted form of the word “Theologos”. From the medieval Greek name of the city comes the Turkish name Aya sılıq or Ayasoluk (from “Agios Theologos”). 4.2.3. The city of the harbor The most vital parts of the Early Byzantine city, the embolos and the agora, were abandoned and never rebuilt again, leaving more than half of the city outside the walls. The theatre was the southmost part of the new walls, which included the two mountain tops of Panayirdağ on the east, Bulbuldağ on the west and the harbor on the northwest. The walls of the Byzantine city were defined by already existing roads, buildings and by the ancient walls of Ephesos. In the Byzantine fortification of Ephesos they used the technique of the ancient, wall of Lysimachos, particularly apparent in the parts of Panayirdağ. Throughout the walls of the city of the harbour there were only three or four towers. In order to construct them mainly tiles from the older walls of the city or from other buildings were used, in addition to barely processed stones. The walls were thick, around 3.30 to 3.40 metres and probably had thick battlements. Nowadays, the walls are in a rather bad condition, particularly at the upper part and no excavations have been made to ascertain the location of the stairs of the gates. The walls of the city of the harbor are dated from the 7th or the beginning of the 8th century. According to Müller-Wiener the city of the harbor was abandoned probably between the 10th and the 11th century. According to the same researcher an important factor was malaria, caused by the illuviation of Kaystros, that resulted in the transformation of great areas around Ephesos into swamps. In relation to this defect of the city of the harbour, the location of the church of the Theologian was much better, more fortified, and favored the development of a settlement.26 The view that the city near the harbour started to decline during this period is also supported by Foss.27 4.2.4. The settlement of Theologos The settlement of Theologos was approximately 2.5 km northeast of ancient Ephesos, on the hill of Ayasuluk. The settlement was probably initially developed gradually for the needs of the pilgrims. The walls of the city of Theologos, built with spolia and mortar, have been dated in the 5th century, in spite of the fact that historical conditions do not support this view. According to Foss, these should also be dated in the 7th century, probably in the reign of Constans II (641-658).28 The city was divided into two parts: The lower, which included the church of St. John the Theologian, and the fortress on the northern side of the hill. The main entrance was on the southern side and consisted of the exterior gate, with fortified towers, which led to an almost rectangular courtyard and to the second, interior gate. At least three stages have been recognized that date back as far as the 13th century, a period in which the settlement’s interior fortress has been erected, possible after an earthquake that led to the need for significant repairs on the walls of Theologos and other castles of the area. The fortress façade is polygonal with 16 towers, while there are towers along the whole length of the external walls. After the Turkish conquest the fortress continued to be used, contrary to the walls of the settlement, which deteriorated and were gradually destroyed to a large extent. 4.2.5. The population of Ephesos during the Middle Byzantine Period In the city of Ephesos, or in the nearby villages, apart from the indigenous population there was also a significant number of foreigners, such as Jews, Bulgarians and Arabs. The Jews lived peacefully with the Christians. The presence of Bulgarians in the area is due to the policy of population movement implemented by the Byzantine emperors. The Bulgarians lived in the village Boulgarin and probably constituted a compact population among the indigenous population. The Arabs were few and were incorporated into society accepting to be baptised. Armenians probably also lived in the area, something that is testified in Vita of St. Lazaros, but is also mentioned in De cerimoniis of Emperor Constantine VII (10th century). The Armenians in the specific case were soldiers responsible for guarding the beach of the theme of Thrakesion.29
1. Honigmann, E. (ed.), Le Synekdemos d’Hierokles et l’opuscule geographique de Georges de Chypre (Corpus Bruxellense Historiae Byzantinae, Forma Imperii Byzantini fasc. I, Bruxelles 1939), p. 21, no. 659.1. 2. Stephanos Byzantinii [i.e. Stephani Byzantii], Εθνικών (Stephani Byzantinii Ethnicorum quae supersunt), in Meineke, A. (ed.), A Geographical Lexicon on Ancient Cities, Peoples, Tribes and Toponyms (Berlin 1849, reprinted in Chicago 1992), pp. 288.17. 3. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Administrando Imperio, Moravcsik, G. (ed.), (CFHB I, Washington DC 1967), chapter 20.11· Foss, C., Ephesus after Antiquity: A Late Αntique, Byzantine and Turkish City (Cambridge 1979), p. 105. 4. Foss, C., Ephesus after Antiquity: A Late antique, Byzantine and Turkish City (Cambridge 1979), pp. 105-6. 5. Theophanes, Chronographia, de Boor, C. (ed.), (Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, Bonn 1883), 445.3 ff.; Auzépy, M.-F. (ed.), La vie d’Étienne le Jeune par Étienne le Diacre (BBOM 3, Birmingham 1997), 161.23-27. 6. Rochow, I., Byzanz im 8. Jahrhundert in der Sicht des Theophanes. Quellenkritisch-historischer Kommentar zu den Jahren 715-813 (BBA 57, Berlin 1991), pp. 222-223, 231; Lilie, R.-J., Die byzantinische Reaktion auf die Ausbreitung der Araber. Studien zur Strukturwandlung des byzantinischen Staates im 7. und 8. Jhd. (MBM 22, München 1976), p. 173, note 43. 7. Lilie, R.-J., Die byzantinische Reaktion auf die Ausbreitung der Araber. Studien zur Strukturwandlung des byzantinischen Staates im 7. und 8. Jhd. (MBM 22, München 1976), p. 177; Rochow, I., Byzanz im 8. Jahrhundert in der Sicht des Theophanes. Quellenkritisch-historischer Kommentar zu den Jahren 715-813 (BBA 57, Berlin 1991), p. 271. 8. Iosephi Genesii, Regum Libri Quattuor, Lesmüller, A. – Thurn,W. – Thurn I. (ed.) (CFHB XIV, Berlin-New York 1978), 86.70-72. 9. Delehaye, H., “Vita S. Pauli Iunioris in monte Latro”, AB 11 (1892), pp. 38-39. 10. Failler, A., “Éphèse fut-elle prise en 1304 par les Turcs de Sasan?”, REB 54 (1996), pp. 245-248. 11. On these groups, which were organizations of supporters either of the Greens and the Blues, or of the gladiators, or even of specific renowned families see Cameron, A., Circus Factions. Blues and Greens at Rome and Byzantium (Oxford 1976), pp. 77-78. 12. Cameron A., Circus Factions. Blues and Greens at Rome and Byzantium (Oxford 1976), pp. 146-148; Foss, C., Ephesus after Antiquity: A Late antique, Byzantine and Turkish City (Cambridge 1979), pp. 15-17. 13. Regarding themes in general see Haldon, J., Byzantium in the Seventh Century. The transformation of a Culture (Cambridge 1990), pp. 208 ff; Lilie, R.-J., Die byzantinische Reaktion auf die Ausbreitung der Araber. Studien zur Strukturwandlung des byzantinischen Staates im 7. und 8. Jhd. (MBM 22, München 1976), pp. 287 ff.; Lilie, R.-J., “Die zweihundertjährige Reform. Zu den Anfängen der Themenorganisation im 7. und 8. Jahrhundert”, BSl 45 (1984), pp. 27-39. 14. See Lilie, R.-J., “Thrakien und Thrakesion. Zur byzantinischen Provinzorganisation am Ende des 7. Jahrhunderts”, JÖB 26 (1977), pp. 7-47; Haldon, J., Byzantium in the Seventh Century. The transformation of a Culture (Cambridge 1990), pp. 212-215. 15. Zacos, G. – Veglery, A., Byzantine Lead Seals (Basel 1972), no. 2561Α. 16. De sancto Lazaro, monacho in monte Galesio (AASS Novembris t. III, Bruxelles 1910), p. 540, chapter 103 According to the Vita, John of Mita was for a period of time governor of Ephesos. See also Greenfield, R., The Life of Lazaros of Mt. Galesion: an Eleventh-Century Pillar Saint (Washington, D.C. 2000), p. 195, note 451. 17. Constantinus Porphyrogenitus, De thematibus, Pertusi, A. (ed.), (Studi e Testi 160, Vaticano 1952), 81.13-82.14. 18. Ahrweiler, H., “L’histoire et la géographie de la région de Smyrne, entre les deux occupations turques (1081-1317) particulièrement au XIIIe siècle”, TM 1 (1965), pp. 128-130. 19. Nicephori Blemmydae, Autobiographia sive curriculum Vitae necnon epistula universalior, Munitiz, J. (ed.), (Corpus Christianorum s. Graeca 13, Brepols 1984), ΙΙ, ch. 83.3-5. 20. Foss, C., Ephesus after Antiquity: A Late antique, Byzantine and Turkish City (Cambridge 1979), pp. 185-187. 21. Lilie, R.-J., Handel un Politik zwischen dem byzantinischen Reich und den italienischen Kommunen Venedig, Pisa und Genua in der epoche der Komnenen und der Angeloi (1081-1204) (Amsterdam 1984), pp. 154-155. 22. Balard, M., La Romanie Génoise (XIIe-début du XVe siècle) (Rome-Genova 1978), p. 170. 23. Vita Willibaldi episcopi Eichstensis (MGH SS XV/1), 93.15-17. 24. Berry, V., Odo of Deuil, De profectione Ludovici VII in Orientem (PhD diss., Morningside Heights-New York 1948), p. 106. 25. Foss, C., Ephesus after Antiquity: A Late antique, Byzantine and Turkish City (Cambridge 1979), pp. 121-122. 26. Müller-Wiener, W., “Mittelalterliche Befestigungen im südlichen Ionien”, IM 11 (1961), p. 89. 27. Foss, C., Ephesus after Antiquity: A Late antique, Byzantine and Turkish City (Cambridge 1979), pp. 121-122. 28. Foss, C., Ephesus after Antiquity: A Late antique, Byzantine and Turkish City (Cambridge 1979), p. 107. 29. Λαμπροπούλου, Ά., Βίος του οσίου Λαζάρου (PhD thesis, Athens 1986), p. 160. See also Constantinus Porphyrogenitus, De cerimoniis aulae byzantinae I (CSHB, Bonn 1829), 667.3-5.
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