1. Position and Names In Antiquity Perge was one of the most powerful cities of Asia Minor. It is in southeastern Turkey, within 15 km from Attaleia, in the current position Murtana, near the village Aksu. Today the place is an important archaeological site with lots of visitors. The position of the city –in the centre of the Pamphylian valley– was highly favourable for several reasons. Perge was on one of the important commercial roads of Asia Minor, starting from Pergamon and connecting Thyateira, Hierapolis, Laodicea, Side and Philadelphia. In addition, it had the benefit of direct control over the nearby flat land –proverbial for its fertility in antiquity– and, as a result, it became a major commercial and economic centre of Pamphylia. Perge was built on a naturally fortified acropolis, like the neighbouring cities of Aspendus and Sillyum.1 Two minor hills to the south formed its boundaries and defended the city, thus making any attempt to besiege the city difficult. The River Kestros (Aksu), which irrigated the fertile plain of Pamphylia, flowed near the city. Its width facilitated the transportation of people and products and provided access to the Pamphylian coasts, which were 12 km away. Therefore, the city enjoyed all the economic benefits from sea communications, while at the same time it was safe from any attack by sea. It is no wonder that the citizens of Perge deified Kestros, thus expressing their gratitude for the multiple benefits it enjoyed thanks to the neighbouring river.2 The name of the city clearly indicates its pre-Hellenic past. It is a corruption of the place name ‘Preiia’, the local name of Perge in the ‘ancient’ Pamphylian dialect, known long before the Greeks arrived. The eastern name was maintained in the course of time and was used at least until the Hellenistic period.3 2. Historical Background The general picture of the old history of Perge may be reconstructed with the help of numerous and different kinds of evidence coming from tradition, written sources and findings of archaeological research. The foundation of the city has become a myth. According to Strabo,4 after the end of the Trojan War, circa 1200 BC, a group of Greeks –‘Creoles’, on the word of the ancient text– advanced to the interior and settled in a fertile region in southeastern Turkey, which they understandably called ‘Pamphylia’ (land of all tribes). The famous seers Mopsus,5Calchas and Amphilochus were the protagonists of that migration. The new settlers founded Perge, Olbia, Magydos, Aspendus, Sillyum and Side, which were going to play a leading role in the historical events of Pamphylia until late antiquity. It is worth mentioning that in 1953, when seven inscribed pedestals of statues were found in the yard of its Hellenistic gate, the archaeological research confirmed the tradition about the foundation of the city. The inscriptions on the pedestals identify the represented figures with the ‘builders’, the mythical founders of Perge.6 However, the most recent archaeological findings date the foundation of the city long before the Achaeans arrived, in the Mycenaean period. The first evidence of this very ancient city dates from the late 4th millennium, while in the 13th century BC the city was under Hittite control.7 In historical years, in the 7th century BC, the city was inhabited by new settlers from Rhodes.8 From then on, the fate of Perge was closely connected with the rest of Pamphylia. Herodotus says that in the 6th century BC the region was inhabited by Croesus (560-546 BC).9 After the Lydians were defeated by the Persians in the battle of Pteria in 547 BC, Pamphylia changed sides and came under the administration of a Persian satrapy. The city had to pay a tribute to the new masters and participate in the operations of the Persian army. After the Persian wars the expansionary policy of Athens was focused on the coast of Asia Minor. The most significant military operation of those years was the decisive battle in the mouth of River Eurymedon in 466 BC, when Cimon of Athens comprehensively defeated the Persians and liberated a vast region stretching from Ionia to Pamphylia. Perge joined the Delian League and had to pay tribute to Athens.10 Then came the Ionian War (412-405 BC) and the Spartan invasion of Asia Minor before the Antalcidas' Peace (387 BC) returned the control of Pamphylian cities to the Persian king. Perge participated actively in the so-called Satraps' Revolt (366-360 BC). The revolt was suppressed and the city remained under Persian control until Alexander the Great arrived (334/3 BC). The detailed description by the historian Arrian sheds light to these events and to the general situation in the region in the 4th century BC. After the Battle of the Granicus River (334/3 BC), Perge, Side and Aspendus surrendered unconditionally to the Macedonian king. The events show that the citizens of Perge surpassed themselves in order to express their total devotion. They initially led his troops from Phaselis to Pamphylia11 before the city served as a way station for the subsequent military operations of the Macedonians. In the years of the Successors, Pamphylia was briefly the bone of contention between the Seleucids and the Ptolemies. Between the conference at Triparadisus (321 BC) and the Battle of Ipsus (301 BC) the city was under Seleucid control and later under the Ptolemies. The change of masters hardly affected the life of Pamphylian cities.12 The domination of the Ptolemies ended before the Seleucids came in 218 BC. In the early 2nd century BC the war between the Romans and Antiochus IV Epiphanes changed the balance of powers once again. After the Seleucids were defeated in the Battle of Magnesia (190 BC), the Peace of Apamea appointed the new rulers of Asia. The entire western part of Pamphylia to Kestros was annexed to the kingdom of Pergamon, while the eastern part remained free. When Attalus III Philometor bequeathed his kingdom to Rome (133 BC) and the province of Asia was established (129 BC), Pamphylia actually regained its independence. However, it was soon called to face the nuisance of piracy, which was a key factor in the subsequent destabilisation. Because there was no powerful central administration the self-defence of the cities proved inadequate. The situation deteriorated during the Mithradatic Wars13 until Poblius Servilius Vatia, the proconsul of Cilicia, undertook the task of clearing the area out. However, the cities of Pamphylia suffered heavy blows by the uncontrollable Roman governors of Cilicia. Among the most typical examples were the large-scale destructions caused in Perge by the quaestor of Cilicia Gaius Verres in 80/79 BC.14 The Roman officer took all the statues from the squares and the temples, while the helpless inhabitants were watching. He did not even respect the sanctuary of Artemis. With the help of the physician Artemidorus he stole all the gold jewellery from the age-old statue of the goddess and looted the temple’s treasures. Sacrilegious actions caused by the greed of Verres are described by ancient sources in a particularly colourful style.15 Finally, Pamphylia got rid of the pirates thanks to Pompeius, while in 47 BC it shortly became part of the province of Asia. Then, Mark Antony ceded it to the kingdom of Galatia (36 BC). After the death of Amyntas (25 BC) Pamphylia joined Lycaonia under common administration, thus forming a separate Roman province. In 43 AD Claudius formed the double province of Lycia-Pamphylia. It was in 136, in Hadrian’s years, that the province first became senatorial for reasons that served the Roman administration. After the administrative reforms of Diocletian in the late 3rd century and the subsequent territorial reorganisation, Perge remained in the territory of Pamphylia. In these years Pamphylia often served as the bastion of the Roman Empire against the Goths and the Persians. The late 3rd century AD and the greatest part of the 4th century were difficult periods for the city, as clearly evidenced by the changes in its city plan. The last time Perge managed to recover was in the 5th and the 6th century against neighbouring Aspendus, before entering the phase of its overall decline.16 3. Institutions and System of Government Although the citizens of Perge were of different origins, archaeological research certified the onset of a tendency for Hellenization already from the 5th century BC. This is first evidenced by the development of the city in the eastern part of the acropolis in the 5th century BC, in accordance with the Hippodamian System, including normally arranged building blocks. At the same time, as indicated by archaeological findings, the decline of local pottery these years is surprising. In Hellenistic years this tendency spread to the institutions and the system of government as well. However, in several important aspects of public life local tradition resisted strongly. The local dialect, for example, was used until the 2nd century BC, at least on inscriptions and coins.17 In addition, the city became famous beyond the local area thanks to the spread of the cult of Artemis Pergaia, who still proved the eastern background of the city, although it had been Hellenised. Nothing is known about the moment the Hellenisation of Perge was completed. It is worth mentioning that in the course of time the increasingly growing Roman element in the area caused another similar reaction. As a result, the Roman institutions started gradually to prevail over the Greek ones already from the late 1st century BC, while the Romanisation of public life was completed in the two following centuries.18 In the Imperial years Perge reached its heyday. Peaceful conditions and the accumulation of wealth coming from trade beautified the city with splendid public buildings. The demos was divided into tribes and organised in the ‘senate’, the ‘young’ and the ‘adolescents’. As it happened with the members of the Boule, the archons were elected by the deme.19 That was the case with the priests as well, unless they held a hereditary post. The conditions in these years favoured the emergence of leading personalities that excelled in several sectors, such as Apollonius the mathematician, who lived in 3rd century BC.20 Citizens who had generously sponsored public buildings quite often held public offices, which entailed large contributions. Thus, in Hadrian’s years (117-138) an ambitious economic project was completed mainly thanks to the generosity of Plankia Magna. Plankia, member of a noble family, was the wife of the Roman Julius Cornutus Tertullus, member of the senate, and daughter of Marcus Plankius Varus from Perge, who became consul and commander of the province of Bithynia-Pontus in the years of Vespasian (69-79).21 The many-sided public activity of this special woman is clearly evidenced on numerous inscriptions found scattered all over the city. She was a ‘creator’, that is, both a supreme archon and a priestess of Artemis and the Mother of Gods as well as a ‘high priestess of the imperial worship’. Plankia erected statues honouring the members of the imperial family, while the local authorities honoured her accordingly.22 Her statue, today exhibited at the Archaeological Museum of Attaleia, represents her as a priestess of the imperial cult. In the early 3rd century Perge was so powerful that it was in dispute with Side over the precedence in Pamphylia, with Aspendus holding the third position. All the Pamphylian cities at the time aimed at highlighting their importance in every possible way, thus probably compensating for their inability to take drastic political action in contrast to the Roman domination. The two rival cities were proud of their harmonious relations with the Oracle of Delphi, which permitted them to hold the Pythian Games. Despite their rivalry, Perge, Side, Attaleia and Aspendus formed in the years of Valerian (253-260) a kind of association, under which they minted coins inscribed with the word ‘ΟΜΟΝΟΙΑ’ (Concordia).23 Perge maintained similar relations with Nicaea, Ephesus and Delphi as well. This tendency towards unity actually reflects the will of the cities to ally against the increasing threats. The same tendency is expressed by the numerous games held in Pamphylian cities, particularly in Perge and Side, which are evidenced on inscriptions of mainly the 3rd century. As a result, the economic benefits from the games were great. Apart from, the Augusteia and the Great Kaisareia, which were celebrated in connection with the Augustan worship, the Olympia, the Pythian Games and the Isopythian Games in Perge,24 Side and Attaleia were directly connected with the great Panhellenic games, at least as regards the way they were held and their prizes.25 Perge was not given the honorary title of ‘metropolis’ of Pamphylia until 275/276. It was then that the Great Kaisareia games were first celebrated in the city, while the "Asylia", the games held by the sanctuary of Artemis Pergaia since the years of Domitian (81-96), were abolished. 4. Religious Life The religious life of the city was focused on the Hellenised version of Artemis Pergaia, which had prevailed already from the 4th century BC. The cult of the goddess was supervised by priestesses and priests, who lived in the countryside. The temple of the goddess was a huge building of the Ionic order. Despite the extensive archaeological research carried out so far, the exact position of the temple has not been found yet.26 Artemis Pergaia was also worshipped in Attaleia, in several cities of Pisidia and Caria, in Rhodes and in Thera. Together with Artemis many other deities were worshipped in Perge, most of which were Greek,27 while the cults of Sarapis, Isis and Harpocrates are evidenced as well. Christianity –already from its first days– was welcomed in the city. At the time, apart from the Greeks and the Romans, a considerable number of Jews were living in Perge, Side and Aspendus, mainly earning their living from commerce and handicraft. It was these very people and the Greeks who heard Apostle Paul’s Christian sermon in 45/46 during his first missionary journey from Paphos of Cyprus to Pisidia.28 Christian communities were soon formed in the city, including both Jews and gentiles. These communities developed steadily, although sometimes they were persecuted and their numbers declined. During a persecution in 251 Bishop Nestor, the head of the Church of Pamphylia, whose metropolis was in Perge, was killed among others. In a final effort to maintain the Gentile faith, ‘the faithful Lycians and Pamphylians’ appealed to emperors Maximian, Constantine I and Licinius I in 311/2 to take stricter measures against the new religion. However, nothing could prevent Christianity from prevailing. As a result, in the Council of Nicaea (325) Perge was represented by metropolitan Kallinikos.29 Shortly later the number of bishoprics in Pamphylia increased to seven, while Perge was represented in the Council of Ephesus (431) as well. 5. Coinage In comparison with other regions of Asia, there were few Pamphylian cities that minted their own coinage.30 Perge minted its first coins in the 3rd century BC, while coinage continued until the late 3rd century AD. Artemis Pergaia prevailed as the main iconographic theme until late Antiquity.31 The coins of the Imperial period are of particular interest, since their various inscriptions provide direct evidence about the cults and the titles of Perge in its heyday.32 6. City Plan and Architecture The monumental remains of Perge date mainly from the Imperial years, thus providing a full picture of the city. The tremendous economic development of the city in that period is proven by the complete leveling of former buildings. The first buildings were made in the acropolis. In Hellenistic years the city started to spread to the south, at first on the slopes of the acropolis and then gradually to the valley. In this way, the low city was formed, which was fortified with a defensive wall to the east, west and south.33 These Hellenistic walls have been preserved in good condition, mainly to the east. Several defensive towers 12m high are almost intact. The peaceful conditions prevailing in the Imperial years allowed the further spread of the city to the south. The gradual run-down of the Roman Empire and the general atmosphere of insecurity in late antiquity are evidenced by the construction of a new external defensive wall in the 4th century AD, which protected the indefensible southern quarters. In Byzantine years the settlement shrunk and –as it happened in other cities– the inhabitants were restricted inside the acropolis once again. The Roman Perge was divided into four quarters of unequal size, demarcated by the two main streets –decumanus maximus and cardo maximus–, which crossed at the centre of the city.34 They were two monumental colonnaded streets, which accommodated arcades and shops. The vertical street (cardo maximus) started from the south, outside the city limits. It was completed in Hadrian’s years (117-138) and run to the nymphaeum in the north, covering a total distance of 300 m. In the middle of these two main streets there was an open channel carrying water from the northern nymphaeum, under the statue of Kestros. This artificial brook cooled the citizens during the hot summer months. Small spouts were formed along the flow, thus giving a pleasant visual and acoustic impression. Access to the city was through three gates: to the east, west and south. The southern Hellenistic gate was monumentally built in a particular architectural style: the entrance is surrounded by four-story circular defensive towers, while niches with arched architectural elements opened on the walls of the yard. In 121 Plankia Magna made monumental additions to the gate and changed its form radically. The walls of the yard were covered with marble, while statues were erected in the circumferential niches representing the founders of the city, gods and the father of Plankia Magna with his son.35 An arch with Corinthian columns was built in front of the niches. On the northern side of the yard there was an artistically decorated triple triumphal arch, reminiscent of Hadrian’s similar constructions in Athens and Attaleia. The so-called northern baths, near the western entrance of the city, have been preserved almost up to their initial height. They date from the 3rd century and served the needs of the neighbouring palaestra, which was the earliest building within the walls, built by Julius Cornutus, proconsul of the province of Asia, and his wife in honour of Emperor Nero (54-68).36 The northern nymphaeum was built in Hadrian’s years (117-138) at the foot of the acropolis. It is surrounded by a wall with niches, which were adorned with statues, and has two projecting edges. In the southern part of the city there were also monumental baths in the form of baths-gymnasia of Asia Minor. They were built in honour of Vespasian (69-79)37 and were used for more than 300 years. The bath chambers are preserved in good condition, some of which still have their vaulted roofs. Similar thermae facilities in this singular architectural style are also found in Miletus, Sagalassos, Side and Aspendus as well as in Lycian cities.38 The agora was in the southern part of the city, to the east of the southern Hellenistic gate. It was designed in relation to the vertical main street of the city and was made in the 2nd century AD. It was square with a side of about 65 m and was surrounded by porticoes and shops. At its centre there was a circular building (tholos), possibly used in worship.39 The residential zones of the city have been located in the south, on either side of the vertical main street. The commonest building was a sophisticated type of the Hellenistic house with a peristyle. Several houses covered an area of 300-500 sq.m, while they also had a second floor.40 To the south of the Hellenistic gate there was yet another monumental nymphaeum dating from the late 2nd and the early 3rd century, which was dedicated to Pergaia Artemis, the patron goddess of the city, and to Emperor Septimius Severus. The stadium and the theatre are beyond the city limits, to the southwest. Their construction started in the second half of the 1st century AD, but the stadium must have been completed before the theatre. The stadium, which seated 12,000 spectators, is one of the best preserved ones in Asia Minor and was directed to the side of the theatre. It is 234 m long and is preserved in good condition. It had twelve rows of seats; the northern side was circular, while there was a monumental gate, now completely ruined, in the southern part. Under the seats to the east there were vaulted passages, divided by walls into thirty rooms. Many of them served as shops, whose goods or even the shopkeeper’s name appear on inscriptions on the walls. The theatre was to the south; it was built by Marcus Plankius Rutilius Varus in the ‘Roman Asia Minor’ type and seated 15,000 people.41 At the highest point of the cavea there was a portico, which protected the spectators from rain.42 The scene building had at least two floors and has been preserved up to a great height. It was decorated with a striking relief frieze depicting motifs from the life of Dionysus, Centauromachy (battle of the Centaurs) and Gigantomachy (battle of the Giants).43 In later years a nymphaeum was built on the external wall of the skene. The theatre of Perge held all kinds of theatrical performances as well as gladitorial combats and wild animal fights from the 2nd century AD. In addition, it was the ideal place for the demos to assemble thanks to its high seating capacity. The necropoleis of Perge were near the gates, to the east, west and south. The variety of burial monuments and materials indicates the different social ranks of the dead. Some burial monuments are congested around the streets that run through the gates; lots of rock cut sarcophagi without concrete orientation, while others stood on elevated bases. The ‘House of the Sarcophagus’, that is, the tomb of Eutychianus – the priest of Nemesis –, which is adorned with wall paintings representing a burial dinner and flowers, is of particular interest. The tomb of Plankia Magna was also in the southern necropolis; the tomb today is completely ruined.
1. The acropolis of Perge is about 60 m high. 2. A statue of the river adorned the nymphaeum in the northern part of the city. Moreover, Kestros is a common iconographical type on the coins of Perge and is frequently found on reliefs. 3. A previously used inscription of the 5th century BC found in the city as building material was written in this dialect. The inscription bears the ancient place name ‘PREIIA’ as well as the eastern name ‘WΑΝΑPSAS PREIIAS’ attributed to the local deity that was later Hellenised acquiring the name Artemis Pergaia. See Şahin, S., Die Inschriften von Perge I (Inschriften Griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 54, Bonn 1999), no. 1. 5. According to Plinius, Pamphylia was also called Mopsopia, a name related to the tradition supporting that the area had been colonised by Mopsus. Plin., ΗΝ 5.96. 6. Apart from Calchas, the honorary title of ‘ktistes’ was given to Lavos, Leonteus, Machaon, Minyas, Mopsus and Rexos. See Şahin, S., Die Inschriften von Perge I (Inschriften Griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 54, Bonn 1999), no. 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106 and 107 respectively. The statues date from the 2nd c. AD. 7. The first reference to Perge in written sources comes from these years. See Abbasoğlu, H., ‘The founding of Perge and its development in the hellenistic and roman periods’, in Parrish, D. (edit.), Urbanism in Western Asia Minor. New Studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, Perge and Xanthos (JRS Supplementary Series 45, Portsmouth, Rhode Island 2001), pp. 176-177, note 8. 8. As it had happened before, the new inhabitants were smoothly integrated into the population of the city. 10. A contribution was imposed on the city at least in the year 425 BC. 11. Arr., Anab. Ι.26.1-2. 12. The Ptolemies exerted loose administrative control and made agreements with the most powerful cities they ruled. 13. Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysus occupied Pamphylia following an agreement with the pirates, but he did not find any supporters among the inhabitants. About the piracy in Cilicia and Pamphylia, see De Souza, P., Piracy in the Graecο-Roman World (Cambridge 1999). 14. Neighbouring Aspendus was plundered in the same year. 15. The events are handed down in detail by Cicero when he describes the way Verres was hauled to trial in 70 BC. According to the writer, Verres destroyed all the statues of the city. See Cic., In Verrem ΙΙ, Ι.21.2. 16. The subsequent Arab raids resulted in the permanent decline of the city. In the 7th c. AD most of the inhabitants had already left. However, a small Christian community remained in the area at least until 1400. Pamphylia came under the Seljuks in 1078 and the Ottomans in 1392. There is little evidence about the history of Perge between the 14th and the 17th century. In 1671 the city was visited by Evliya Çelebi, while in the 19th century it was ‘discovered’ by the European travellers. See Lanckoronski, K., Städte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens I (Wien 1890), pp. 33-63. 17. The same happened in Aspendus, Sillyum and Side. 18. The predominance of the Roman element was obvious both in political and social life as well as in architecture. The same tendency is traced in a remarkable school of plastic arts existing in the city in the 2nd c. AD, with its characteristic ‘linear’ style, particularly in portraits. 19. The inscriptions of the city report the ‘agoranomoi’, the ‘demiourgoi’, the ‘archons’, the ‘strategoi’, the ‘prytaneis’, the ‘phylarchoi’, the ‘gymnasiarchoi’ and the ‘agonothetai’. 20. The mathematician Apollonius studied in Alexandria. He was famous for his work on society, while he also wrote mathematical dissertations, seven of which have been preserved. 21. There were games held in his honour and named after him. About the members of the family of Plankia Magna, see Şahin, S., Die Inschriften von Perge I (Inschriften Griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 54, Bonn 1999), pp. 107-116. 22. Research has not traced so far the exact position of the temple dedicated to the imperial cult. 23. Side, which enjoyed the primacy among the cities, minted the coins on behalf of the association. 24. Games of minor importance called ‘Themidai’ were held in Perge and Side. In Side these games date from the 5th c. BC. 25. The winners of the games triumphantly entered the city through an opening on the walls. 26. The sole building used for worship and found in Perge so far is a Doric prostyle Hellenistic temple to the south, outside the city’s borders. 27. Perge worshipped Zeus, Apollo, Dionysus, Poseidon, Hera, Athena, Aphrodite, Asclepius, Hermes, Herakles, the Charites, the Dioscouri, Cybele, Nemesis, Nike, Pan, Selene, Themis and the deified Kestros. Perge and Aspendus worshipped the three-faced Hecate, Hephaestus and Tyche as Polias. 28. Acts of the Apostles, 13.13, 14.24-25. 29. Aspendus, Magydos and Seleukeia were represented in this council. 30. The other Pamphylian cities that minted coins were Aspendus, Side, Attaleia, Magydos and Sillyum. The first two started coinage in the 5th c. BC. 31. Its eastern name appeared on coins until the 2nd c. BC, while from the 3rd c. BC on its Hellenised form appeared as well. 32. About the coins of Perge, see Hill, G.A., Cataloque of the Greek Coins of Lycia, Pamphylia and Pisidia (London 1897), pp. 19-142. 33. The acropolis was never fortified with a defensive wall, while parts of the Archaic and Classical fortificatrions were saved. About the Hellenistic fortification wall, see McNicoll, A.W., Hellenistic Fortifications from the Aegean to the Euphrates (Oxford 1997), pp. 126-131. 34. A triumphal arch was built at the central crossroads of the two streets by the brothers Demetrios and Apollonius in the years of Domitian (81-96); see Inan, J., ‘Der Demetrios und Apolloniosbogen in Perge’, IstMitt. 39 (1989), pp. 237-244; Şahin, S., Die Inschriften von Perge I (Inschriften Griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 54, Bonn 1999), pp. 72-80, no. 56. 35. This symbolic elevation of two mortals in the level of gods and the founders of the city was certainly a pompous way to remind the inhabitants and the foreigners entering the city about the benefactions the family of Plankia had made in Perge. 36. See Şahin, S., Die Inschriften von Perge I (Inschriften Griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 54, Bonn 1999), pp. 52-54. 37. See Şahin, S., Die Inschriften von Perge I (Inschriften Griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 54, Bonn 1999), pp. 68-71, no. 54. The complex originally was outside the Hellenistic south gate, but gradually became part of the wall. 38. See Yegul, F., Baths and Bathing in Classical Antiquity (New York 1992), pp. 250-313. 39. It was a commercial agora and is one of the most typical and at the same time rare Asia Minor examples of the building type of macellum, while the tholos at the centre has been identified with a temple of goddess Tyche. See De Ruyt, C., Macellum, Marché Alimentaire des Romains (Louvain 1983), pp. 129-133. 40. One of these late houses, used between the 3rd and the 6th c. AD, is famous for both its large dimensions and its big arched room in the type of basilica. The building was in its heyday in the years of Theodosius II (408-450) and clearly reflects the luxurious life of the wealthy inhabitants of Perge in the Early Byzantine years. 41. The father of Plankia Magna probably was the benefactor. See Şahin, S., Die Inschriften von Perge I (Inschriften Griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 54, Bonn 1999), pp. 62-64, no. 49. 42. Ciancio Rossetto, P. – Pisani Sartorio, G. (edit.), Teatri Greci e Romani, alle Origini del Linguaggio rappresentato (Roma 1994/5/6), pp. 356-358; De Bernardi Ferrero, D., Teatri Classici in Asia Minore 3 (Roma 1970), pp. 145-157. 43. These motifs date from the years of the Antonines (96-192), while the rest of them were completed in the years of Gallienus (253-268). Today the facade of the theatre with the relief decoration has been restored and is exhibited at the archaeological museum of Antalya.
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