1. A large number of studies has been carried out on issues concerning the administrative organisation of the Roman state. The reader may find a useful introduction in the book by Garnsev, P. – Saller, R., The Roman Empire. Economy, society and culture (London 1987). 2. The earliest relevant evidence is a Phrygian votive inscription dated to 79 AD, which reports the “eirenophylax/guardian of peace of the province” Τitus Flavius Helius, a freedman of Emperor Vespasian; see Drew-Bear,T. – Naour, C., “Divinites de Phrygie”, ΑΝRW II 18. 3 (1987), pp. 1967-1979. As an imperial freedman, Helius was an official in the imperial service rather than in a city. The decentralisation started and, as a result, the institution of the eirenarch was incorporated into the institutional framework of the self-governed cities. Already from the late 1st or the early 2nd c. AD an inscription from Mikra Kibyra of Cilicia Trachea reports Artemidorus, who was assigned to keep peace in the country around an altar dedicated to Herakles; see Bean, G.E. – Mitford, T.B., Journeys in Rough Cilicia, 1964-1968 (Wien 1970), p. 61. In any case, the office of eirenarch had already been established in Sevastopol of Caria a long before 116-117 AD and a number of the respective privileges and distinctions were granted to eminent citizens, although the latter never assumed office; see Robert, L., Etudes Anatoliennes (Paris 1937), p. 339. 3. As indicated by inscriptions found in Asia Minor cities . Law texts use the same term in the Latin version “irenarcha”. However, Atticist writers like Aelius Aristides and Libanius preferred the term “eirenophylax” (guardian of peace); see Aelius Aristides, The complete works 2 (ed) Behr, C.A. (Leiden 1981), p. 124 and Jones, A.H.M., The Later Roman Empire II (Oxford 1964), p. 1298, n. 29. 4. It should be noted that the legist Arcadius Charisius, who lived in Diocletian’s years, believes that the eirenarchs were responsible for public discipline and the application of moral principles (see Pandektes L.IV. 18.7.... disciplinae publicae et corrigendis moribus praeficiuntur.....). 5. See Aelius Aristides from 50.72 onwards. Although his name was not included in the list of prospective eirenarchs submitted by his birthplace, Αδριανο? Θ?ραι, Aristides was selected by the proconsul Severus to serve as an eirenarch. However, he tried to avoid the office with the intervention of influential friends. At this point it should be underlined that more than one person could be appointed as eirenarchs, as indicated by inscriptions reporting someone who served as “the only eirenarch”. This is what happened in Miletus (I. Didyma 333) and Ephesus (I. Eph. 30388, 3091, 3071). Moreover, specific areas of jurisdiction could also be specified, as evidenced by the inscription from Mikra Kibyra reported in footnote 2 and an inscription found in Termessus, Pamphylia (Τ.Α.Μ. 1.104 = SEG VI,31), referring to an “eirenarch of the upper towns and the forest.” This distribution of duties was probably due to the extended rural territory of the city or its vicinity with regions not effectively controlled by the Roman state, which were inhabited by tribes that were traditionally used to robbing in order to support their lives (see also footnote 11). 6. Aelius Aristides underlines that the procedure was in effect “in those years”. He was appointed by the proconsul Severus in 153 AD, while the text including the incident was written in 171 AD; see Behr, C.A., Aelius Aristides and the Sacred tales (Amsterdam1968), p. 88, n. 69 and pp. 109 -110. It becomes evident that when the work was written, the procedure for selecting the eirenarchs had somehow changed. 7. See Codex Theodosianus VIII. 7.21 and Codex Justinianus Χ. 77[75]. 8. Τhese duties are reported in Pandektes XI,VIII. III. 6. It should be noted that although the eirenarchs were officials of the self-governed cities, in practice they served as organs of the state mechanism in aspects concerning order and administration of justice (see also footnote 12). 9. The names of eirenarchs accompanied by diogmites are reported in inscriptions found on the walls of a cave on Mount Hissar‑Dag in southern Pisidia; see SEG VI 684‑714; see also Robert, L., “Etudes Epigraphiques”, BCΗ 52 (1928), pp. 407‑409., The “diogmites” are also present in martyria of saints as inferior to the eirenarchs (see footnote 12). In Antioch of Syria the subordinates of the eirenarchs were called “Korynephoroi” (Libanius 48.9), meaning men holding a club (koryne). For the diogmites, see Magie, D., Roman Rule in Asia Minor (Princeton 1950). 10. Eirenarchs in Hissar‑Dag were responsible for patrolling the area and pursuing bandits; see Robert, L., Etudes Anatoliennes (Paris 1937), p. 339. Moreover, in the martyria (see footnote 12) the eirenarchs arrested the Christians in the open air. 11. Robbery in the countryside was a very common crime committed throughout the Imperial period, even in regions that had long ago been incorporated in the Ιmperium Romanorum; see Shaw, B.D., “Bandits in the Roman Empire”, Past and Present 105 (1984), pp. 3‑52. Useful information about the phenomenon of robbery is reported by Mc Mullen, R., Enemies of the Roman Order (Oxford 1966), pp. 255‑256 and 261‑266. 12. See The Martyrdom of Polycarp III-VIII, The Martrdom of Nestor and The Martyrdom of Conon Ι-II. These texts have more recently been published in Musurillo, H., Acts of the Christians Martyrs (Oxford 1972). In the case of Polykarp, the eirenarch finally decided to arrest the bishop of Smyrna following accusations from the citizens. However, in the case of Conon and Nestor, the eirenarch was ordered by the Roman praeses, which confirms that the eirenarchs were in practice included into the state mechanism (see footnote 8). 13. The sort of evidence concerning the eirenarchs (honorary inscriptions, law and literary texts) does not provide any further information about the range of issues they dealt with. However, the Egyptian papyri report that the eirenarchs serving there, apart from referring the fugitives to a superior authority (see Ρ. Oxy. 2107), they were also responsible for the restoration of stolen goods (see Ρ. Stras n. 5) and violent actions against citizens (see SΒ9105 and Ρ. Col. 242). The same might also have happened in Asia Minor. 14. Between 396 and 398 the eirenarchs collaborated with other noblemen of the Gaza Strip and Palestine and intervened in conflicts between Christians and idolaters; see Gregoire, H. – Kugener, A.M., La vie de Porphyre, évêque de Gaza (Paris 1930), pp. 22‑25. 15. See SEG XLII 1038. It becomes evident that in this case the eirenarch certifies the weight of the standard weights used in commercial transactions in the agora of the city. Any distrust could lead to public disorder. 16. According to the sources, such problems were quite frequent, although their character remains rather unclear. The legist Marcian (Pandektes XLVIII.III.6) reports that Emperor Hadrian noted that the eirenarchs did not prepare bona fide memoranda. Thus, they were summoned before the court so that the accuracy of their claims could be checked. What is more, Marcian suggests that any devious or mischievous eirenarch should be punished. 17. There are numerous relevant inscriptions; see IGRR III 203 (Ankara), SEG XXXIV 1107 (Ephesus) IGRR III 226 (Pessinus), IGRR IV 658 (Acmonia), IGRR IV 785 (Apamea), SEG XXXV 1365 (Aezani), ΜΑΜΑ VIII 520 (Aphrodisias). 18. The office of eirenarch was found in numerous cities of the provinces of Asia, Cilicia Trachea, Pisidia, Pamphylia and Galatia. In front zones, such as Cappadocia, the powerful military units were also patrol forces. Besides, major safety problems like large-scale revolts always required the intervention of the army; see Shaw, B.D., ”Bandits in the Roman Empire”, Past and Present 105 (1984), pp. 18‑19. 19. For the paraphylakes, see Jones, A.H.M., The Greek City from Alexander to Justinian (Oxford 1940), p. 212 and Magie, D., Roman Rule in Asia Minor (Princeton 1950), p. 1515, n. 47; see also Robert, L., Études Anatoliennes (Paris 1937), pp. 91‑104. 20. See Woolf, G., “Roman Piece” in Rich, J. – Shipley, G. (ed), War and Society in the Roman world (London – New York 1993), pp. 171-194. For the developments about peace and the efforts of the emperors to be identified with peace, see Weinstock, S., “Pax and the ?Ara Pacis?”, JRS 50 (1960), p. 44-48. It is indicative that the scholars of the Imperial period considered the absence of robberies and violent actions an essential element of Pax Romana; see Philo, Legatio at Gaii 146-147 and Epictetus, III. 13.9 and III. 22. 55. The Jewish Philo gives Augustus the title of eirenophylax. |