1. Location At the centre of Ephesus, in the area of Lower Embolos, between the Heroon of Androclus (no. 48) and the so-called ‘Nymphaeum’ (no. 46), lies the Octagon (no. 47). This is a funerary structure with an octagonal ground plan, dating to the second half of the 1st century BC. The building’s outstanding importance is confirmed by its prominent placement on the Embolos, a road which from the Archaic Period formed part of the sacred processional way, as well as a place for erecting sepulchral and honorary buildings for eminent persons, a tradition that was maintained into the Hellenistic period and the Imperial era.1 2. Architectural description This monument was arranged successively in three construction levels: 1) the base, comprising the and a tall bathron of , 2) the -like core with its , and 3) the stepped conical roof. More specifically, the building rested on a three-step crepidoma (0.94 m. in height) over which stood a square bathron (podium) measuring 2.16 X 9 m, which surrounded a vaulted burial chamber. The chamber was accessed through a small entrance on the building’s south side. The technique was used for the construction of the core of the bathron, while tall marble orthostatai composed its façade. A square step (0.29 m in height) was placed over the -bearing crowning of the orthostatai and stood between the first and second level of the building. The total height of the first level, measured from the euthenteria2 to the top step, over the orthostatai, is estimated to 3.39 m. A crepidoma-like structure with three steps and of an octagonal shape formed the base and the of the second level of the superstructure. More specifically, the second level, which measured 6.50 m. in height,3 comprised the octagonal, cella-like core, which was surrounded by a Corinthian order peristasis with eight columns. A low bench was arranged around its base, supported by brackets shaped like lions’ feet. A cyma was added over the bench as an intermediate decorative barrier; the uniformly arranged blocks of the walls of the cella followed. The upper section of the wall was decorated with a containing relief representations of , libation vessels (paterae), and with fruits and blossoms forming arcs. This common pattern, apart from its obvious decorative role, embodied an adorational or funerary element as well.4 Next, an stood between the relief frieze and the two-fascia . The columns of the peristasis were in the Corinthian order and rested on . The shafts of the columns bore 24 flutes, while the were in the typical shape of the Corinthian order.5 The total height of the columns was 4.5 m. The of the peristasis comprised of a three-fascia epistyle, which was crowned by an Ionic cyma, a relief frieze and the . The frieze was decorated with and palm-tree leaves, while bodies of griffins were interposed between the foliages. These animal and plant decorative patterns held alternating convex and flat corbels.6 The was adorned with relief lions’ heads, which were purely decorative and not functional, as they were not employed as drainpipes. The peristasis was covered by a marble roof, where the were decorated with rosettes and flowers.7 The entire architectural composition was crowned by a conical stepped marble roof, culminating on a stone sphere finial.8 By studying the architectural design of this monument from Ephesus, the syncretism and influence from various architectural traditions becomes apparent. The morphological elements of the building reveal strong local influences, for the architectural concept of a raised bathron is par excellence eastern in terms of inspiration. The same is true of the conical stepped roof, attested in other monumental sepulchral structures in Asia Minor, like the Tomb of Leo of Cnidus, the Mausoleum at Halicarnassus and the Belevi Mausoleum at Ephesus. Another innovative element is the choice of an octagonal ground plan, which is believed to follow Alexandrian models.9 3. Dating On the basis of its architectural decoration the monument has been dated to 50-20 BC. Scholars have correlated the Octagon’s morphological and typological elements with those of other buildings of Asia Minor and mainland Greece. Thus, its decorative patterns, mainly the Corinthian order capitals, the relief band of garlands, the frieze of the peristasis and the cornice lead to the safe dating of the monument to the second half of the 1st cent. BC.10 It is also worth noting that two letters, one in 371 and one in 372 AD, were engraved on the bathron’s north side towards Couretes Street. These letters were written by emperors Valens, Valentinian and Gratian, in both Greek and Latin, and dealt with financial matters.11 4. Interpretation This imposing octagonal structure was originally identified as a heroon.12 The discovery, however, of a burial chamber inside the bathron, containing an undecorated marble sarcophagus with a lid shaped like a pediment roof, has confirmed the funerary character of the building. The skeletal remains, preserved notwithstanding the fact that the tomb had been looted, were analyzed and showed that the deceased was a young woman, aged no more than 20 years.13 The conspicuous location of the Octagon on Couretes Street indicates the power and status of the family the deceased belonged to. In general, interment within the city walls was an exclusive privilege bestowed on members of royal dynasties or benefactors. On the basis of the above arguments and the Octagon’s dating to the second half of the 1st cent. BC, the monument was probably the tomb of Arsinoe IV, the youngest daughter of the king of Egypt, Ptolemy XII and his sister Cleopatra. Arsinoe was murdered at Ephesus in 41 BC, aged 16 or 18, on Mark Antony's order.14 It is believed that Mark Antony himself may had commissioned this monument in order to conceal his role in the assassination.15 The correlation of the historic fact of the murder of Arsinoe with this monument backed with the excavational data renders this identification more plausible. Furthermore, the octagonal shape of the monument, which is alien to the architectural tradition of Greek funerary monuments and mausoleums, draws inspiration from or strives to imitate the architectural design of the Pharos in Alexandria and has been interpreted as a symbol indicating the descent of the deceased.16 Therefore this impressive sepulchral monument of Ephesus with its very prominent and honorific placement inside the city must be attributed to a member of the Ptolemaic Dynasty.17 5. Current State and History of Research Excavational research on the building begun in 1904, under the auspices of the Austrian Archaeological Institute, with the participation of the archaeologists R. Heberdey and J. Keil and the architect W. Wilberg.18 The surviving architectural remains from the Octagon allowed the full pictorial reconstruction of the monument by W. Wilberg. Alzinger published a short description of its architectural form and a discussion of the issue of the monument’s identification in 1974. A recent comprehensive study by H. Thür, however, has contributed greatly to the advancement of research in terms of the monument’s interpretation and has revealed its full historical significance. Parts of the Octagon’s superstructure were moved to Austria and are on display in the Vienna Museum since 1978. Remains from the crepidoma, the orthostatai bathron, and few parts of the peristasis and the relief decorative frieze are preserved in situ in the archaeological site of Ephesus.19 |
1. Thür H., "Arsinoe IV, eine Schwester Kleopatras VII, Grabinhaberin des Oktogons von Ephesos ?, Ein Vorschlag", Öjh 60 (1990), pp. 43-44. 2. According to Alzinger, the euthenteria, i.e. the first step of the crepidoma was made of limestone. Cf. Alzinger, W., Augusteische Architektur in Ephesos (Wien 1974), p. 40 3. The height includes the crepidoma-like structure, see Alzinger, W., Augusteische Architektur in Ephesos (Wien 1974), p. 40. Thür H., "Arsinoe IV, eine Schwester Kleopatras VII, Grabinhaberin des Oktogons von Ephesos ?, Ein Vorschlag", Öjh 60 (1990), pp. 47-49. 4. Each side of the Octagon featured two garland arcs. Libation vessels, flowers or rosettes were placed over the garlands. On the details of the decoration of this relief zone see Alzinger, W., Augusteische Architektur in Ephesos (Wien 1974), p. 41. Thür H., "Arsinoe IV, eine Schwester Kleopatras VII, Grabinhaberin des Oktogons von Ephesos ?, Ein Vorschlag", Öjh 60 1990, pp. 49-50. For a fuller analysis of the Corinthian capitals and their stylistic features see Thür H., "Arsinoe IV, eine Schwester Kleopatras VII, Grabinhaberin des Oktogons von Ephesos ?, Ein Vorschlag", Öjh 60 (1990), p.49. F. Rumscheld, Untersuchungen zur Kleinasiatischen Bauornamentik des Hellenismus (Mainz 1994) pp. 160-161. 5. Thür H., "Arsinoe IV, eine Schwester Kleopatras VII, Grabinhaberin des Oktogons von Ephesos? Ein Vorschlag", Öjh 60 (1990), p.49. Rumscheld, F., Untersuchungen zur Kleinasiatischen Bauornamentik des Hellenismus (Mainz 1994) p. 160-161. 6. On the decorative motifs of the peristasis’ frieze see Thür H., "Arsinoe IV, eine Schwester Kleopatras VII, Grabinhaberin des Oktogons von Ephesos ?, Ein Vorschlag", Öjh 60 1990, pp. 47-49. F. Rumscheld, Untersuchungen zur Kleinasiatischen Bauornamentik des Hellenismus (Mainz 1994) pp. 161-164. 7. On the coffers see Rumscheld, F., Untersuchungen zur Kleinasiatischen Bauornamentik des Hellenismus (Mainz 1994) p. 164. 8. For a detailed description of the monument’s architectural form and design see Alzinger, W., Augusteische Architektur in Ephesos (Wien 1974), pp. 40-43. Thür H., "Arsinoe IV, eine Schwester Kleopatras VII, Grabinhaberin des Oktogons von Ephesos ?, Ein Vorschlag", Öjh 60 (1990), pp.43-56, esp. pp. 45-50. Thür H. "The Processional Way in Ephesos as a Place of Cult and Burial", HThSt 41 (1995) pp. 178-180. Thür H., "Die Ergebnisse der Arbeiten an der Innerstädtischen Via Sacra im Embolosbereich", in BerMatÖAI II (1995), p. 92. Scherrer, P., (ed.), Ephesus. The New Guide (Wien 2000), pp. 124-125. Rumscheld, F., Untersuchungen zur Kleinasiatischen Bauornamentik des Hellenismus (Mainz 1994) pp. 160-165. 9. According to W. Alzinger, the Octagon of Ephesus was modeled after the Tower of the Winds or Horologion of Andronicus of Cyrrhus at Athens. The scholar also stresses common morphological elements in the superstructure of the two buildings, comparing the relief zone of garlands in the monument of Ephesus to the frieze depicting winged personifications of the Winds on the Horologion of Andronicus. Cf. Alzinger, W., Augusteische Architektur in Ephesos (Wien 1974), p. 42. According to H. Thür, however, the very different functions these structures served render such a correlation unfounded. Thür also argues that the octagon monument in Ephesus was inspired by the octagonal section of the Pharos of Alexandria. The detection of this similarity has proven invaluable for the interpretation of the Octagon. Thür H., "Arsinoe IV, eine Schwester Kleopatras VII, Grabinhaberin des Oktogons von Ephesos ?, Ein Vorschlag", Öjh 60 (1990), pp. 43-56, esp. pp. 54-56. 10. Similar examples in terms of the stylistic features of the architectural and decorative patterns are, in Asia Minor, Memmius Monument and the Round Monument at Panayır Dağ at Ephesus, the Temple of Augustus at Ankara, and the Temple of Hecate at Lagina. On the comparison of the Octagon to other monuments of Asia Minor and mainland Greece see Alzinger, W., Augusteisch Architektur in Ephesos (Wien 1974), pp. 42-43. Thür H., "Arsinoe IV, eine Schwester Kleopatras VII, Grabinhaberin des Oktogons von Ephesos ?, Ein Vorschlag", Öjh 60 (1990), pp. 49-50. Thür H. "The Processional Way in Ephesos as a Place of Cult and Burial", HThSt 41 (1995) p. 180, fn. 87. Vandeput, L., The Architectural Decoration in Roman Asia Minor, Sagalassos: A Case Study (Leuven 1996), p. 42, 43, 45, 46, 50, pp. 60-61, p. 143, 163. 11. The letters were inscribed in the 4th cent. AD on the orthostatai of the bathron that were visible from Couretes Street. The letter on the left is in Latin; it is addressed to proconsul Eutropius (370/371 AD) and makes arrangements for the apportionment of a public fund between the cities of Asia Minor, which had been struck by catastrophic earthquakes. The letter to the right is in Greek and Latin and is addressed to proconsul Festus; it deals with a fund allocated to four cities for the hosting of games in the context of religious celebrations. For more details on the content of these letters see Heberdey, R., " Vorläufiger Bericht über die Grabungen in Ephesus 1904", Öjh 8 (VIII) pp. 71-76. Wankel, H., (ed.) Die Inschriften von Ephesos, Teil Ia, (Nr. 1-47) (Bonn 1979) ν. 42, 43, pp. 264-277. Also, Scherrer, P., (ed.), Ephesus. The New Guide (Wien 2000), p. 124. Thür H. “The Processional Way in Ephesos as a Place of Cult and Burial”, HThSt 41 (1995), pp.178- 179, n. 80. Thür, H., “Die Ergebnisse der Arbeiten an der innenstädtischen Via Sacra im Embolosbereich”, in Knibbe, D., Thür, H. (eds.) Via Sacra Ephesiaca II. Grabungen und Forschungen 1992 und 1993 (BerMatÖAI 6, Wien 1995) p. 92 12. Thür H., "Arsinoe IV, eine Schwester Kleopatras VII, Grabinhaberin des Oktogons von Ephesos ?, Ein Vorschlag", Öjh 60 (1990), p. 44, n. 12, 50. 13. For the study of the skeletal remains see Thür H. "The Processional Way in Ephesos as a Place of Cult and Burial", HThSt 41 (1995) pp. 180-182. Thür H., Die Ergebnisse der Arbeiten an der Innerstädtischen Via Sacra im Embolosbereich, in BerMatÖAI II (1995), p. 92, n. 364. 14. Arsinoe was the youngest daughter of Ptolemy XII, king of Egypt. In 47 BC she and her brother Ptolemy XIV were granted control over Cyprus by Julius Caesar. Soon after, however, the people of Alexandria proclaimed her queen and she fought during the Alexandrian War against Caesar. Following the restoration of Cleopatra to the throne, Arsinoe was paraded among Caesar’s captives in his triumph at Rome in 46 BC. After this triumphal procession she was released and remained as a guest at the Temple of Artemis at Ephesus, where the priesthood received her as a queen. In 41 BC she was murdered in Ephesus at the behest of Mark Antony who was probably influenced by Cleopatra. On the identification of the Octagon as the tomb of Arsinoe IV see Thür H. "The Processional Way in Ephesos as a Place of Cult and Burial", HThSt 41 (1995) pp. 180-182, n. 90-92. Thür H., "Arsinoe IV, eine Schwester Kleopatras VII, Grabinhaberin des Oktogons von Ephesos ?, Ein Vorschlag", Ojh 60 (1990), p. 52. Thür H., Die Ergebnisse der Arbeiten an der Innerstädtischen Via Sacra im Embolosbereich, in BerMatÖAI II (1995), p. 92. Thür, H., "Der Embolos: Tradition und Innovation anhand seines Erscheinungsbides", in Friesinger, H., Krinzinger, F. (ed.), 100 Jahre österreichische Forschungen in Ephesos. Akten des Symposions, Wien 1995 (Wien 1999) p. 424. 15. It is believed that Mark Antony spread the rumor that Arsinoe’s death was the result of natural causes in order to cover up the murder and avoid public uproar in Alexandria, where among the people as well as the nobility Arsinoe was more popular than Cleopatra. Antony or Cleopatra or both are therefore considered as possible donors of this monuments at Ephesus; the Ephesisans chose its site wishing to win the favor of the new ruler, cf. Thür H., "Arsinoe IV, eine Schwester Kleopatras VII, Grabinhaberin des Oktogons von Ephesos ?, Ein Vorschlag", Öjh 60 (1990), p. 56 16. According to the representation suggestions, the Pharos featured three successive levels, each with a different floor plan: one was rectangular (65 m in height), one was octagonal (30 m in height) and one cylindrical section (9 m in height). The last one probably contained the fire of the Pharos. The upper cylindrical level bore a conical roof, which supported a statue of Zeus. On the Pharos of Alexandria see Thiersch, H., Pharos antike Islam und Occident (Leipzig 1909). On the issue of the Octagon’s resemblance to the Pharos of Alexandria see Thür H., "Arsinoe IV, eine Schwester Kleopatras VII, Grabinhaberin des Oktogons von Ephesos ?, Ein Vorschlag", Öjh 60 (1990), pp 54-56. 17. Nonetheless, the absence of epigraphical evidence means the question of the identity of the person interred in the Octagon remains open. 18. Heberdey, R., "Vorläufiger Bericht über die Grabungen in Ephesus 1904" Öjh 8 (VIII), pp. 70-76. 19. Alzinger, W., Augusteische Architektur in Ephesos (Wien 1974), p. 40. Scherrer, P., (ed.), Ephesus. The New Guide (Wien 2000) p. 124-125. Wiplinger, G., Wlach, G., Ephesus, 100 Years of Austrian Research (Vienna 1996), p. 153. |